Martyna Natalia Kalarikkal, We Hold A Hand 

This research is a shortened version of a full research paper. For full research insights, please contact We Hold A Hand.

In today’s world, migration is a common occurrence among individuals from various backgrounds. With borders being more open than ever, people have opportunities to travel for education or work purposes to permanently settle in another country. While the global diaspora consists of people coming from all parts of the world, we focus on examining the African diaspora in the UK specifically as it has been growing in numbers decades after decades, shaping the pattern of migration, which affects both communities in Africa and the local people in the desired destinations. (Mohamoud, 2003) While we started learning about the African diaspora in recent years thanks to the rise of technological advancements and open access to research, media, and other publicised diasporic stories, the movements of Africans beyond their borders have been going on for centuries, widely attributed to colonialism and slavery. (Mukhongo, 2023) Although moving to a developed country sounds promising for a migrant wanting to better their life, it comes with complexities for policymakers across Europe who, as democratic leaders, should welcome newcomers but, as protectors of their cultures and citizens, must take appropriate steps to ensure migrant communities are integrated into local societies and contribute to the development of their nations. (Katseli, 2006) These historical patterns and socio-political challenges have contributed to the rapid growth of African migrants in the UK and other European countries, forming an impactful group in British society. 

Whilst the economic factors are widely considered in diaspora studies when discussing the lives of migrants as well as the lives of the local communities where migrants are present, mental health challenges also play an important role in shaping diasporic experiences. Adeniyi (2016) mentions that it is the pressure from family members back home that negatively impacts the mental health of Africans abroad. According to them, families rely on financial support from their relatives who live abroad, and if they are not met with such support, they go as far as to call their loved ones a “disappointment.” Other scholars (Nyashanu 2020) believe it is the factors in the receiving country such as the lack of culturally-centred healthcare (Devonport 2022), religious beliefs, career disruption, and the dominance of men in society that contribute to migrants’ poor mental health. Examining a different aspect of mental health of the African diasporic communities in the UK, Ayoola (2023) focuses on the traumatic experiences, especially those of refugees, impacting their mental health. We noticed that many studies about the mental health of migrants revolve around cultural stigma, pressure from family, inadequate healthcare, trauma, and other complex factors contributing to migrants’ poor mental health, but not many researchers focus on the simple determinants such as failed expectations of the satisfactory quality of life abroad, which we will analyse in this study.  

This study adopts a mixed-method approach, gathering both quantitative and qualitative data to compare the expectations and the realities of living in the UK among Africans. The choice of methods is rooted in a pragmatic research paradigm (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2018), which enables us to analyse findings thoroughly by presenting numerical patterns alongside personal narratives. A comparative social research framework (Hantrais, 2009) was used to juxtapose the lived experiences of African migrants in the UK with the aspirations of people currently residing in Africa and planning to migrate. This framework allows us to portray cultural, social, and economic factors influencing migration patterns. 

Since better career opportunities are a major reason why people decide to migrate from Africa to the UK, we analyse this subject further to find other relevant factors contributing to the job satisfaction of African migrants living in the UK.

From our data, we create formulas to understand the probability of achieving a satisfactory job status based on the duration of stay in the UK:

Our findings show that migrants who have been in the UK between 1-3 years have the highest level of satisfying jobs at 56.5%. Those who have been living in the UK for more than 4 years interestingly showed lower levels of satisfaction with their jobs, which means being in the UK for longer does not necessarily contribute to better career opportunities. Migrants who lived in the UK for the shortest period showed the lowest level of satisfaction with their jobs. 

We asked a hundred participants whether their overall experience of living in the UK met their initial expectations. Our results show that only 1 in 5 migrants reported that their current life abroad exceeded their vision. A large share of migrants (36%) expressed disappointment in their life abroad while the majority said it met their expectations. Next, we will look closer into possible reasons for such varied results. 

Our study shows that Zimbabweans were the most affected by discrimination (52%), followed by a large share of Nigerians and Ghanaians (31% and 40%). South African migrants reported the lowest rate of discrimination (23.5%) despite being the most represented group in this research. There may be many factors contributing to discrimination such as race, religion, accent, visa status, or local perceptions of each nationality. We believe that South Africans may have been the least affected group due to a large number of them being of British descent, identifying as British, and speaking with a similar accent to Brits. (Dubow, 2009) The ongoing division between British nationals and incoming foreigners plays a crucial role in establishing a satisfactory level of life in the UK for an African migrant, which will be explored further in the discussion.

Nearly half of the participants (47%) stated they would return to Africa if things improved. 19% were unsure if they would return home, while only 34% planned to remain in the UK permanently. According to this data, there is a great potential for reverse migration if African countries take steps in the right direction to improve safety, financial stability, and career prospects for their citizens. Migration is often driven by necessity rather than permanent detachment from the country of origin. 

We created a correlation matrix to understand those connections and probabilities. We noted that those with more reasons to migrate also have higher expectations of their lives in the UK, making them motivated and optimistic about prospects. Interestingly, those who have a lot of reasons to leave their country also have a lot of concerns, suggesting realism and anxiety about moving abroad. People with higher expectations also reported more potential disadvantages of moving, which presents cautious optimism. Younger people are more likely to return back home if things improve, while those with more reasons to migrate have less desire to return to Africa, possibly due to envisioning long-term benefits the UK has to offer. Again, younger people are more open to staying in Africa rather than migrating if they are presented with the right career and financial prospects in their home countries. 

An important aspect of this research is considering migrants’ mental health and how their diasporic experiences affect their feelings and identity. As previously mentioned in the literature review, many scholars focus their studies on the familial connections or their lack of, pressure from family, trauma, and the lack of culturally-centred care, which all contribute to migrants’ poor mental health. All of the above factors are external components, whereas our study focused on the internal feelings of dissatisfaction with the quality of life based on hopes versus the current situation. We believe that the main reason for poor mental health among migrants is their level of disappointment with a wide range of external factors rather than such factors presented as the key driver of mental health problems among those communities. A person’s perception of things is what affects their mental health rather than just the presence of those things. As discovered in our research, the majority of migrants gather their information about the UK from online sources and social media, which are not always credible and should be taken with a grain of salt. Idealised images of life in the UK on social media may lead migrants to have high expectations of their lives abroad. (La Barbera, 2014) 

Unfortunately, we found that many migrants are not satisfied with their quality of life in the UK due to the rising cost of living, problems in finding employment in their desired sector as well as social isolation and discrimination. Opposed to Adeniyi’s (2016) study, we have not noticed any participants reporting that they experienced pressure from their families, which would result in poor mental health. Both interviewees as well as two hundred participants (both surveys included) never mentioned any familial reasons related to bettering the financial situation of their family as a key factor for their migration but focused their answers on their desires, aspirations, and motivations. Based on our findings, we believe it is crucial to present accurate images of what the UK has to offer for migrants in terms of career opportunities, financial stability, safety, and cultural acceptance to make sure people make an informed decision about moving their whole life to a new country and avoid dissatisfaction once they settle in. Media, politicians, and other relevant bodies should maintain decency in reporting correct information about the state of the country and opportunities for people from abroad. While social media is not always controllable and fake news is common, Africans and other potential migrants must be educated on the credibility of social media to avoid falling for the traps of misconceptions. Having a strong educational system in place and short-term exchange programs would help them understand the realities of living in the UK and other countries. 

If Africans are better supported in making their choice, they may be more satisfied with the quality of their lives abroad, which will help them contribute back to the economy in their homeland or they may decide not to migrate at all and focus on developing their skills and growing within the local communities. Without strong educational programs in place, exchange opportunities, and honest partnerships, migrants take a gamble on their lives and are left to their own devices, which ultimately often leads to poor mental health, lack of belonging, financial difficulties, and overall dissatisfaction with their lives. 

This study set out to examine the relationship between the expectations of African migrants before moving to the UK and their lived experiences after they migrated, addressing the common problems faced by African diasporic communities. The data analysis revealed that many migrants were not prepared for the social isolation, cultural norms, cost of living, lack of job opportunities, and discrimination they faced in the UK. Moreover, the study showed the lack of awareness about the realities of living in the UK among Africans who are planning to move overseas. One of the key findings was that a large number of Africans would rather stay in Africa or return to Africa from the UK if they were given better career and financial opportunities. 

While the sample size was limited to a hundred participants from the UK and a hundred from Africa, future research could gather more participants as well as focus on each country individually to explore those issues in detail and understand different diasporic experiences in each African country. The study has limitations in terms of the number of participants, therefore, we recommend further reading to understand African diasporas on a broader scale: “Development and the African Diaspora” by Mercer (2008), “Diaspora for Development in Africa” by Plaza (2011), and “Layers of Blackness: Colourism in the African Diaspora” by Deborah Gabriel (2007). 

With so many Africans expressing their willingness to stay in their local community or return to it provided better opportunities were awaiting them back home, it is crucial to understand how their diasporic experiences are shaped by negative factors and how both sending and receiving countries can work in partnership to support Africans in the diaspora as well as the development of the African economy. Ongoing research and responsive policies will be instrumental in fostering local African cultures, growing economies, and retaining those who are willing to stay in their homeland and contribute to its growth. 

This short version of our research paper provides a basic overview of key findings and issues explored in this study. Separate paragraphs were chosen to portray the main areas of research; however, it is advisable to read the full research paper to understand its implications and avoid interpreting findings out of context. Please, contact We Hold A Hand if you wish to gain access to the full version of this research. The reference list is available in the full version of this research. 

I would like to express my gratitude for the support of Kelvin Voen, the CEO of We Hold A Hand, for providing me with the opportunity to lead the research team as well as contribute to the scholarly works about mental health problems, which affect underrepresented communities. I would also like to thank Attah-Omachefu Blessing and Nikanor Elagolyetu Nikodemus for gathering academic resources to support this research. I extend my sincere gratitude to Blessing Terkura who interviewed our participant from Nigeria as well as all members of the research team at We Hold A Hand who shared the surveys and helped us gather respondents. This research project would not be possible without the help and support of We Hold A Hand and its members. 

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